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Comparison of USA and Canadian Tribal Casinos. In the USA and Canada there is tribal gaming. The First Nations in Canada and the American Indian Tribes.


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This is an incomplete list of casinos in Canada as of around Type: Resort (​R) Destination (D) Community (C) Racing entertainment centre (REC). Ownership: Government owned (GO) First Nations (FN).


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In an effort to develop economically, Canadian First Nations started to campaign for the right to operate casinos on their tribal lands. They claimed.


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Comparison of USA and Canadian Tribal Casinos. In the USA and Canada there is tribal gaming. The First Nations in Canada and the American Indian Tribes.


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In an effort to develop economically, Canadian First Nations started to campaign for the right to operate casinos on their tribal lands. They claimed.


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See also Warren Skea, “Time to Deal: A Comparison of the Native Casino Gambling Policy in Alberta and Saskatchewan.” Ph.D. dissertation (University of Calgary.


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See also Warren Skea, “Time to Deal: A Comparison of the Native Casino Gambling Policy in Alberta and Saskatchewan.” Ph.D. dissertation (University of Calgary.


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Exciting Canadian Native Indian Owned Casinos. The indigenous community throughout Canada contributes to the country on many different levels.


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Lennart Henriksson, “Hardly a Quick Fix: Casino Gambling in Canada.” Canadian Public Policy 22(2) , [13]. William Eadington, “Casinos in Canada.


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Indian-run casinos,” or, in more up-to-date parlance, “First Nations casinos” in Canada have become such an essential part of the country's gambling.


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The gaming revenues generated have in many cases equipped First Nations leaders with the financial capacity to respond to western-based health issues infiltrating their communities, in this instance the potential proliferation of problem gambling in host communities. First Nations casinos have all the same proven themselves profitable, suggesting that the economic benefits of placing casinos in reserve communities have been realized. One of the key areas First Nations may utilize gambling revenues is health initiatives even if clear criteria are unclear concerning spending practices. Simply stated, we need to understand the past before grappling with the current state of Aboriginal problem gambling. It is important to note the conspicuous absence of criteria specific to health issues in the provincial gaming agreements. First Nations attempts to mitigate potential gaming-related health issues through self-financed educational and treatment programs is but one approach to self-government that can be exercised in various ways in relation to casino developments. This instability has proven difficult for First Nations seeking to establish appropriate health programming, a situation that is further aggravated by the complex matrix of Indian legislation and the various acts and policies that assign responsibility for First Nations health to a range of public agencies and individual band councils. Culture plays a limited role in prevalence studies. As suggested above, First Nations have established a policy environment that permits the creation of treatment programs that integrate culture into their operations, something current provincial programs fail to accomplish. Another way is to aggressively pursue casino placement through a negotiated framework province-First Nations-[American] casino operator. It would appear that implementing state of the art and culturally reflective problem-gambling prevention, treatment and harm minimization programs is warranted since reserve casino placement will likely lead to the maintenance of or, in worst case scenarios, exacerbate existing trends. Casino advocates responded that the general First Nations statistical profile showed reserve communities to be both economically and physically marginalized from Canadian society resulting from government impropriety and relentless attempts at colonization. Prior to extended European contact in the late sixteenth century, North America was home to unique ways of understanding and its own distinctive reality. Persistent provincial resistance was the norm until , when, at the Federal-Provincial Conference on Indian Affairs, federal officials reintroduced their proposed slow devolution of the Indian health care program and its associated costs to the provinces. A percentage of gambling revenues is also available for public health programs at the discretion of the host First Nation. This occurred despite mounting evidence showing that some of the highest prevalence rates of problem gambling occurred in Aboriginal populations. By demanding reserve casinos as a means of expanding the powers of self-government, it appears that First Nations leaders acknowledged their responsibility to respond to casino-related health issues on reserve. This inter-jurisdictional dispute continued its slow burn until following a ministerial policy statement describing federal responsibility for First Nations health issues as strictly voluntary. Modern events like competition powwows, Native rodeos and the North American Indian Games, for example, all include traditional games and related wagering. By , the Alberta Gaming and Liquor Commission AGLC was vetting applications from seven First Nations according to the terms and conditions established for other provincial charitable casinos. First Nations disagreed with this interpretation. More information. At no time do public documents suggest this was a consideration of the Enoch First Nation prior to opening the River Cree Casino and Resort, for example. A corresponding increase in local levels of disposable income and the free time needed to patronize the casino and gamble more frequently should have also been anticipated. At the end of , there were 17 First Nations casinos operating in Canada. Its site near Edmonton was selected to maximize patronage and revenues. First Nations leaders nevertheless maintained their allegiance to U. Importantly the authors effectively discerned the contrasting ways in which western and Blackfoot gamblers envision the world that arguably need to be built into culturally specific treatment programs and educational initiatives in gaming First Nations table 3. Available studies to date conclude that an increased level in problem gambling correlates to localized casino construction. Additional research during this period demonstrated the co-morbidity [30] of alcoholism and pathological gambling among a Native American sample to be three times that of the non-Native group. The latter costs unfortunately receive limited attention as First Nations leaders work toward securing reliable revenue streams needed to implement long-range development plans. Some countered that gambling was neither an efficient nor effective government funding mechanism. They were considered an economic panacea whereby revenues would be utilized similarly to how provinces used these monies to improve local services and infrastructure. For example, Manitoba responded by ensuring an allocation of 2. Such an approach may only prove mildly effective, for statistics illustrate that current programs to mitigate problem gambling are only marginally effective. It is nevertheless assumed that cultural factors are significant factors as they relate to problem gaming among Indigenous peoples. The complex social history of Indigenous games and gambling demands we construct culturally specific frameworks to probe this deeper reality, specifically if we are to better appreciate how these ideas inform contemporary gambling practices and game choice. Finally, the Casino Operational Service Agreement between the casino gaming service provider and the British Columbia Lottery Corporation, which conducts and manages all provincial gaming on behalf of the Province, sets out the distribution of revenue earned at the casino and how those monies are to be spent by the casino operator. It is, however, the role of a self-governing nation, to at the very least, consider what are now viewed as localized policy issues; and for provinces to remain cognizant that First Nations individuals are indeed their citizens whose well-being also requires safeguarding.{/INSERTKEYS}{/PARAGRAPH} After opening several operations, First Nations casino managers responded that they were seeking to draw revenues from non-community sources, the suggestion being that the casinos would not harm the local populations. Since becoming an operational reality in with the enactment of the Cree-Naskapi of Quebec Act and more formally with the Sechelt Indian Band Self-Government Act , academics have devoted significant time and effort to improve our understanding of Aboriginal self-government. There are two agreements under which net income to government-generated revenues from the St. But in Saskatchewan, for example, First Nations leaders anticipating government opposition to their casino desires soon discovered that First Nations community members were forwarding to the media academic studies and grey literature linking opportunities to participate in casino gambling with a per capita increase in Gamblers Anonymous chapters. In fact, national First Nations health care deteriorated well into the s when, citing spiralling costs, federal officials endeavoured to convince provincial premiers to accept responsibility for First Nations health while simultaneously scaling back health programming. This restriction remained in place until Although legally empowered to accept responsibility for local health care, limited funding was and remains directed to First Nations communities for this purpose. It appears that economic development and community financial improvement took precedence over health related issues, even though the discourse of health and welfare remained an important reason driving the casino movement. Since commencing operations in , billions of dollars in gross revenue have been produced nationally and employed by First Nations in British Columbia, Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Ontario, and Nova Scotia to improve local programs and enhance community infrastructure. This is not to suggest the existence of a universal North American indigenous philosophy—each unique group practiced regionally specific forms of gambling. First Nations spending through core federal programs is capped annually below inflation and population growth rates. This did not stop several First Nations during the s from initiating the devolution of social control of health, which was formalized with the Health Transfer Policy This involved the reassignment of certain responsibilities for managing and delivering health care services from Health Canada to First Nations. What has been overlooked to date is local health: specifically, limited funding was set aside in all Province-First Nations gaming agreements to implement problem-gambling treatment programs for on-reserve residents negatively influenced by the introduction of a casino. Recent research suggests that traditional gambling practices still inform contemporary First Nations gamblers [77] in much the same way historic ideas animate justice, [78] health, [79] education, [80] economic, [81] and governance processes. What was downplayed was the evidence demonstrating that increased access to gambling games had the potential to exacerbate existing problem-gambling behaviours. The recent trend of First Nations hosting casino operations has in certain cases led to greater localized control of economic development attributable to an influx of gaming revenues. This paper argues that by situating a casino in a reserve community, the host community establishes an imperative to treat those negatively affected by ease of access to casino gambling games. It was offered that a properly managed reserve casino had the potential to economically rejuvenate First Nations through gambling revenues. Games were and continue to act as important religious rites used for divinatory purposes, and the creation stories, legends and songs performed at similar events speak of heroes revered for their gambling exploits. For First Nations, once the band council decided upon a community casino, a band council resolution was required confirming community support. First Nations advocated for reserve casinos on the basis that the gambling revenues would foster greater political independence and improved self-governance. It appears that few took into consideration whether increased and localized advertising would attract residents curious to witness casino operations. To do so is an aspect of self-determination, and a responsibility First Nations assume when selecting casinos as mechanisms of economic development. The study and its follow-up highlighted the integration of traditional gambling ideologies into modern gambling practices, indicating that the previously acknowledged separation between western and Blackfoot gambling practices has become increasingly blurred. In the latter case, casino and VLT revenues returned to the First Nations are earmarked for economic and community development. Little came of this until the agreement was renegotiated in In Ontario, the Aboriginal Responsible Gambling Strategy Steering Committee identified a need to provide counseling and treatment by First Nations organizations so that the special cultural features and needs of a community could be incorporated into service plans and counseling methods. Many leaders expressed an unwillingness or were unable to financially respond to the variability of health transfer payments resulting from provincial and federal bickering over who precisely is responsible for First Nation health. Complicating this discussion is the lack of before and after the establishment of a First Nations casino prevalence studies or accompanying research assessing the impact of reserve gaming enterprises on First Nations health and welfare. Critics insist that serious academic consideration must be given to a provincial policy orientation: 1 that enables casino construction near vulnerable populations exhibiting significantly higher than average rates of problem and pathological gambling; and, 2 fails to stress the need for problem-gambling prevention, treatment and harm minimization programs. First Nations communities have a collection of innate and tacit assumptions about life and reality; assumptions that in turn guide the interpretation and understanding of games and wagering that still animate contemporary understandings and processes. Not factored into this assessment are the growing urban Aboriginal populations with improved access to electronic gaming machines. The goal was to improve the local First Nations standard of living. {PARAGRAPH}{INSERTKEYS}Thank you for your understanding. Today, stick games and horse racing are as popular as VLTs, bingo, lotteries, and casinos. A final approach has been to eschew casinos altogether. Reserve casinos had two unique features First Nations leaders prized: 1 they were local businesses generating general operating revenue and onsite employment; and 2 the business model promoted low start-up capital to be financed by partners willing to absorb a portion of the financial risk. The Destination Casino Project Development Agreement provides an additional one-sixth share of provincial net gaming income generated from the casino, to the casino service provider. Another, albeit proven to be less successful, avenue is to open a casino in lieu of a negotiated agreement with the province. Consisting of the Kainai, the Piikuni and the Siksika, the Blackfoot Niitisitapi have a well-documented history of gambling. By all accounts, casinos appeared an appropriate economic development mechanism capable of effectively countering endemic impoverishment. The community also boasts that the once impoverished reserve of about now has just 10 members on social assistance. During the early s, First Nations leaders in Saskatchewan and Ontario began studying the economic and political potential of reserve casinos. These and similar conclusions led one researcher to suggest that gaming tribes could expect a surge in criminal activity, problem gambling, erosion of family cohesion and a diminished quality of life. Establishing anti-gambling programs is also consistent with Aboriginal self-government and an important step toward self-determination that could one day permit gaming First Nations to both reclaim authority for local health while offering problem-gambling treatment models that embrace culturally unique perspectives about gambling. This is surprising considering that several studies in Canada and the United States have shown Aboriginal people are more likely to become problem gamblers. First Nations leaders could have referred to the available studies and discerned general conclusions regarding the potential issues associated with reserve casinos. First Nations leaders looked to gaming to offset devastating economic trends by establishing local control over economic development. The detailed eight-step proposal process considered various criteria ranging from site selection, an AGLC application assessment to determine community support, practical business plans, and account of opposing viewpoints. Gaming First Nations have the legislative and financial means to combat similar issues through education and the establishment of culturally appropriate programming. Recent statistics confirm that all are money-making enterprises, and that individual First Nations are using the money to improve social programming and augment infrastructure. Why is Indian health still regarded as a medical question rather than an inseparable part of land claims resolution and reservation economic development? In spite of data demonstrating the problematic nature of placing casinos in or near First Nations communities and vulnerable populations, First Nations and provincial officials from Ontario to British Columbia forged ahead with negotiations and the implementation of casino plans. In the face of concerted opposition, a host of First Nations remain loyal to an enterprise they anticipate can benefit their communities, regardless of the short-term social and economic costs. We do know, however, that First Nations currently demonstrate: 1 higher rates of problem and pathological gambling among the Canadian population, trends that show no signs of abating; and 2 a culturally specific understanding of games in First Nations society and the associated wagering practices. That premise is adopted for the purposes of the following analysis. In British Columbia, for instance, funding for the Responsible Gambling Strategy, which includes the Problem Gambling Program, is set at a fixed amount each fiscal year. Research that included Aboriginal populations regularly identified their prevalence of problem gambling to range from 5. Those First Nations pursuing casinos began presenting their communities as sovereign entities possessing an inherent right to establish economic development projects sans provincial oversight.